A coming together of dreams - The Hindu

28th May 2014 -  Link

This article is written by the Chinese ambassador Wei Wei and expresses his point of view as to how both nations should increase cooperation and built strong relationships serving common interests.

China-India relations will be embarking on a new starting point upon the formation of the new Indian government. The two sides should seize the opportunity to promote smooth transition of bilateral relations and inject new impetus into the China-India strategic and cooperative partnership.

How China plans to improve bilateral relations( according to Wei Wei)

1. We should maintain high-level exchanges: 

• The Chinese side has invited Indian leaders to participate in the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (Panchsheel) in Beijing next month.
• A series of high-level visits between the two countries will be carried out in the second half of this year.
• The two sides are discussing bilateral meetings between the two leaderships on the sidelines of the BRICS summit in Brazil and on other multilateral occasions.

2.We should expand pragmatic cooperation in all fields: 

• The Chinese side is willing to actively participate in India’s development in infrastructure, manufacturing and agricultural fields with focus on promoting cooperation on major projects such as railways and industrial parks. 
• The Chinese side will encourage Chinese companies with adequate capacity and good reputation to expand their investment in India, and also welcome Indian entrepreneurs to explore business opportunities in the Chinese market.

3.We should expand people-to-people and cultural exchanges: 

This is the Year of China-India Friendly Exchanges , the Chinese side expects to take this opportunity to carry out the mutual visits by 100-youth delegations and actively promote cooperation between China-India sister cities so as to improve mutual understanding and trust between the two peoples. 

4.We should enhance cooperation in regional and international affairs: 

The Chinese side would like to maintain close communication and coordination with the Indian side on major regional and international issues and conduct pragmatic cooperation under the frameworks of BRICS, China-Russian-India cooperation, G20 and East Asia Summit, so as to safeguard the common interests of the developing countries and work for a more democratic and rational international political and economic order. 

5.We should properly handle the divergences between the two countries: The Chinese side is willing to import more products from India for a balanced trade relationship between India and China.

His Conclusion:

China’s new leadership has advocated the Chinese Dream of realising the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Indian leaders also proposed the Indian Dream of achieving inclusive development. The Chinese and Indian dreams are interconnected and mutually compatible, representing the shared aspiration of our 2.5 billion people together. We have every reason to believe that as long as China and India join hands to pursue common development, we will realise our beautiful dreams and make new positive contributions to peace, stability and prosperity in Asia, and the world at large.

A window of opportunity - The Hindu

26th May 2014 -  Link

Development, for which India needs markets, investments and technology - The U.S. remains the prime source of all three.

How can US benefit from India

• Geo-strategically, some of the big issues that confront the U.S. today, China, Pakistan, and the shaping of the post-2014 transition in Afghanistan, all happen to be in India’s periphery.
• India’s contribution to stabilising the subcontinent.
• Underwriting its integration and development through its own growth.
• Investment in building regional infrastructure and connectivity.
• India’s growing role in protecting maritime routes in the Indian Ocean.

How can India benefit from US

1.India’s focus externally will be on improving relations with the contiguous countries, including China. Given our experience since Independence, this also requires better defence preparedness, for which the relationship with the U.S. will be critical in the years ahead.

2.The inept U.S. handling of its ties with Russia has cemented Sino-Russian strategic relations in a way that India’s preferential customer status of Russian defence supplies is now imperilled.

Reasons:

• The Skovorodino-Mohe pipeline project worth over $60 billion in investment, and nearly half a trillion dollars in overall value over three decades, is about to roll.
• Mr. Putin had given his assent for a deal to sell China — over the objections of his general staff — the state-of-the-art S-400 missile system, capable of shooting down all “enemy aerial targets that are known today.”.
• Talks are at an advanced stage for sale of Su-35 fighter aircraft to China.

Benefits of US relationships in this regard:

On offer from the U.S is 

• the ‘Javelin,’ said to be among the best available crew fired anti-tank weaponry.
• The co-development and manufacture of the next generation of such missiles.
• Long-range surface-to-air missiles.
• The next generation naval gun.

3.As the India-U.S. relationship gathered momentum, and an accord with the U.S. on peaceful uses of nuclear energy began taking shape, not perhaps as a consequence of but certainly as a sequel to it — there has been a spate of small successes in India’s interactions internationally.

 A case in point is the agreement with China in 2005 on the “Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the India-China Boundary Question.” It was arguably the sole, significant success of the 17th round of talks of the Special Representatives negotiating the India-China boundary. This came when India’s global importance was at a high point, with flourishing relations with Russia, the U.S., the European Union, key European countries, and the start of warming relations with Japan.

The instruments of revival

The right mechanics must be harnessed by the US to revive the relationship between the two nations, some of suggested steps in that direction could be:

• A new U.S. Ambassador in New Delhi.
• An envoy soon to confer with India’s new leadership might be Vice-President Biden, who knows India better than President Obama does (that might also indicate that the White House is taking back the India account from the State Department).

When times are difficult, there is nothing wrong with a give-and-take approach, a prudent and practical engagement that looks at the relative costs and benefits and eschews normative arguments. The congruence of interests of India and the U.S. is self-evident. So also is the current hiatus in the relationship. There is a window of opportunity to resuscitate it now.

Inviting the neighbours

24th May 2014 - Link

In  this article all the content related with the pervious(UPA) government(foreign policies, weaknesses ect.)  is given in Blue and all the content related to current(NDA) government(Modi’s plans,strengths ect.)  is given in orange

Parts in Dr. Manmohan Singh’s foreign policies that Modi is likely to borrow

(The parts of Dr.Singh’s policy are given in blue and their followup action by Modi is given in orange)

1.Dr. Singh’s creative thinking on the neighbourhood:

• Focussed drive for better relations with Pakistan.
• Indian concessions on trade with Bangladesh.
• Massive reconstruction and infrastructure-building efforts undertaken in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka.
• India’s SAARC engagement 

These have India helped its standing in the region.

Invitations to all SAARC leaders on swearing in ceremony.

2.Loyalty to multilateral forums in the face of opposition: 

It was not just SAARC and the Non-Aligned Movement but also the building of BRICS (along with Brazil, Russia, China and South Africa) that gave India a prominence on the world stage that held it in particular stead in the past few years.

BRICS leaders as early as mid-July, when Mr.Modi is expected to travel to Brazil to attend the summit along with Russian President Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping.

3.Focus on economic diplomacy.

Modi will be invited to G20 Australia. 

4.Quest for nuclear energy as an alternative source.

Canberra will hope that Mr.Modi’s G20 visit will also see signing of India-Australia uranium deal.

NOTE: Mr.Modi will pave the way for a much needed revision of the Indian Foreign Service’s size. In 2012, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) recorded a strength of about 815 officers, a fraction of the roughly 20,000 the United States has, or the 5,000 that China appoints.

Strengths of Modi Government

1.He isn’t dependent on the approval of State governments: that could try to block him, in the manner in which the Mamata Banerjee government blocked the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) on the Teesta deal with Bangladesh, or the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) governments in Tamil Nadu threatened ties with Sri Lanka over the UNHRC vote.

2.Mr. Modi’s policies will be unchallenged by his party: The Congress party’s disavowal of the Sharm el-Sheikh declaration will probably stand out as a watershed moment in Dr. Singh’s foreign policy, and he never quite stopped looking over his shoulder after that on ties with Pakistan. If UPA-II began on that note, it ended with Dr. Singh’s humiliation on the international stage, when hours before his meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama in Washington, his party’s vice-president Rahul Gandhi addressed a press conference “tearing up” his government’s policy ordinance on corruption.

Perils of the past

1.Terror groups: Some within the establishment in Pakistan who will attempt to sabotage any plans for peace talks with an attack. Already, the attack on the Indian consulate in Herat is being chalked up to Inter Services Intelligence (ISI)-backed Taliban elements.

2.Mr. Modi’s own past record: on the 2002 Gujarat riots. As a result, his government’s actions on internal disturbances — riots and insurgencies — will be scrutinised by India’s neighbours for any hint of “majoritarian” bias.

Mr. Modi’s swearing-in could well serve as a kick-off point for a new foreign policy regime for South Asia; that is, if he desires to make a break with past precedents.